Commentaries

More On Social Glue

The discussions in this forum have raised some big issues, ranging from the implications of two types of social glue for the evolution of groups (e.g. Waring; Smith) to the practical and ethical challenges of seeking public policy interventions based on our scientific theories and findings (e.g. Lanman; Waring). I agree with most of the comments that have been posted and as everybody points out we need more evidence before much more can be said. But there are two issues I’d like to pick up. The first is a very basic question about whether there really are two kinds of social glue (Kavanagh; Buhrmester) or just one with varying degrees of ‘stickiness’ (Ingram and Prochownik; Reeve and Johnson). The second is about whether social glue is really the most important issue in addressing my three wishes for the world or if other sources of altruistic behaviour should receive equal or greater priority (e.g. Swann; Smith). Altruism has many sources but in my view social glue plays an especially important role in solving collective actions problems that carry high individual costs.

One or two kinds of social glue?

As an anthropologist who studies religion, I am always an outsider looking in – albeit sympathetically. And that is often how I feel when trying to untangle the intricacies of the social identity perspective on group psychology, which appears (again, from the outside) to be forcibly reminiscent of a religious organization. Although the social identity perspective has two branches – Social Identity Theory (SIT) and Self-Categorization Theory (SCT) – all followers subscribe to a mainstream orthodoxy with varying degrees of piety and commitment. Core beliefs include that everything in group psychology, including the phenomenon of identity fusion discussed in my target article, falls within the ambit of the social identity perspective. As such, fusion appears to be just one more sect under the infinitely extendable umbrella of the mother church and her encompassing doctrines. Of course, outsider impressions can be misleading and I cannot claim to have conducted long-term ethnographic research among social identity theorists. So my comments on this topic will be as tentative as they are curious and well intentioned – and no doubt shaped to a degree by my having been trained to recognize the trappings of religious fervour no matter how subtly it is expressed.

Field notebook in hand, I have spent the last few days tracking down informants. Let’s begin by giving some space to their voices (it’s standard practice in ethnographic research to disguise sources): “A while back, advocates of SIT and SCT (self-categorization theory) realized that many of their own workers didn’t believe in the main tenets of one or more cardinal doctrines, e.g. functional antagonism (that activation of personal self reduces salience of social self and vice-versa) and depersonalization (that groups members are categorically interchangeable when the group is salient).” Another informant described what happened next: “Instead of providing a formal revision to the theory, some researchers simply endorsed arguments that were in direct opposition to the original tenets.  The result was that the informally revised ‘theory’ now embraced both the original theoretical ideas (e.g. functional antagonism and collective ties) and their opposites (e.g. identity synergy and relational ties). The resulting ‘social identity perspective’ was immune to falsification.”

Unfalsifiable? This sounds like a set of beliefs that can’t be resolved on empirical grounds. Like a religious system perhaps? Let’s explore this in more detail…

According to Ingram and Prochownik identity fusion is probably just an “extreme form of social identification.” Reeve and Johnson agreed with this take on things, arguing that the notion of identity fusion merely “expands the SIT paradigm.”  But as Kavanagh and Buhrmester carefully argued in a series of posts, the empirical evidence points to systematic differences between fusion and identification. Kavanagh cited a body of empirical evidence showing that existing measures of social identification simply cannot subsume identity fusion. If, for example, personal and social identities are hydraulically related, what is one to make of evidence that activating a personal identity enhances the tendency for fused individuals to enact pro-group behaviour? Building on this, Buhrmester pointed out that fusion theory focuses on the causal role of relational ties to other group members as well as collective ties to the group whereas the social identity perspective is only concerned with the latter. The two kinds of social glue predict different psychological and behavioural outcomes.

What motivates efforts to make identity fusion part of the social identity perspective rather than, as the evidence suggests, an alternative theory of how groups are glued together? The motivation doesn’t appear to stem from either empirical or logical considerations but from a desire to maintain the sovereignty of a tradition. It is easy to underestimate the extent to which academics (including good scientists) can form distinctive cultural traditions that, just like any other traditions, can glue adherents to each other and to a set of values and beliefs. And this makes the study of social glue all the more complicated.

If we think of the social identity perspective as a kind of church it is a relatively new one. There is of course a much bigger and older church, called ‘social science’. As Michael E. Smith reminded us, in an informative post entitled somewhat indignantly “You Folks Should Pay Attention To Social Science”, there is a grand tradition out there, one that has a more illustrious history than the social identity perspective and a greater plethora of special terms for things, ways of talking about them, and other special customs and beliefs. When I started to read Smith’s commentary, I thought at first he was going to say that we’d made a basic error that could have been avoided if only we’d known about some previous research on the topic. But as I read on it became clear that his main point was something quite different – that there is another academic tradition over the hills that has lots of doctrines about social glue, including what to call it and how to think about it.

To my mind, however, the most thought-provoking response of all, from a big-picture perspective, was the one written by Lanman. He reminded us that when we’re asking questions about human psychology we should ask about both mechanism and function. To put this in the language of the evolutionary sciences, we should address both proximate and ultimate causation. The social identity perspective has taught us much of importance about the proximate level but when we broaden the focus of groups research to consider issues of ultimate causation we begin to understand social glue rather differently.

To appreciate why fusion and identification may be different it could help to unpack their evolutionary histories. Lanman and I hypothesize that the categorical ties studied by social identity theorists evolved to bind together tribes and ethnic groups whereas identity fusion emerged to hold kin groups together: two functions, two psychological mechanisms, and two kinds of social glue. Kin psychology (on this view) regulates behavior among genetically related individuals, facilitating exceptionally high levels of altruism towards the group, rooted in the fusion of personal and social selves. Ethnic psychology, by contrast, solves collective action problems using categorical ties based on identification with groups. As Lanman succinctly put it: “Whitehouse’s account of identity fusion as ‘psychological kinship’… which lies at the heart of the imagistic mode of cohesion… utilizes the findings of both evolutionary psychology and socio-cultural anthropology and can serve as a reminder of the insights we can reach when we move past the more exclusionist rhetoric sometimes used by scholars in these fields.”

How important is social glue?

Several contributors to this discussion pointed out that a range of factors contributes to altruistic behavior and that ‘social glue’ is only one of them. Bill Swann, for example, mentioned shared interests, top down incentives and deterrents, and ideologies that appeal to our capacities for empathy or right and wrong. Arguably, however, social glue has a special role in motivating altruism. You and I might share similar concerns about social problems, discover common vested interests, and even agree on the best courses of collective action, but I doubt whether any of this would motivate most of us to make big sacrifices for the greater good.

Not everyone shares my hunch. Some prominent activists insist, for example, that morality rather than social glue is the best way to address the major collective action problems faced by our species. One of my three wishes for the world was to eliminate extreme poverty. The moral philosopher Peter Singer famously gives away a third of his income to the charity OXFAM and he urges everyone else to do the same. I vividly remember a lecture given by Singer in Oxford, at which he pointed out the wrongness of allowing extreme poverty to persist in the world and the fact that we could eliminate the problem overnight if we all set our minds to it.

But that’s the problem. We won’t all do it. And since we know that other people won’t all do it, we typically decide not to do it ourselves. After the lecture, I sat next to Singer at lunch and I put it to him that the moral argument wasn’t going to change things. His response? It simply had to – there was no other way. But as Swann points out there are indeed other ways.

Aside from moralizing we’ve seen many efforts to solve world problems using a diversity of strategies. For example, over several decades concerted effort has been made via high level international initiatives to redistribute wealth from the world’s wealthiest countries to help the poorest and there has long been broad agreement that 0.7% of GNP is a realistic target for provision of aid. But apart from some outliers like Scandinavia, we have fallen woefully short in achieving these kinds of targets. Swann mentions various mechanisms of regulation in modern states that can be used to solve collective action problems without relying directly on social glue – we can incentivize. legislate, tax, subsidize, and do other things in a top-down fashion to tackle poverty. But I would argue that none of these approaches works very well without the right kinds and quantities of social glue.

Social glue plays a vital role in solving collective action problems in a sustainable fashion. Without it, other mechanisms deteriorate and fail. Examples are legion but to take just one from my own country: social glue was essential to setting up the welfare state in the UK but it is now eroding because of a culture of sponging and entitlement symptomatic of a progressive weakening of national cohesion. Whereas the social sciences have traditionally provided quite sophisticated ways of understanding systems of regulation – in economics, law, governance, politics, and so on – a more basic aspect of coordination in society – social glue – has not been understood so well, and figures less prominently in the thinking of policy makers and advisors. I think it’s time to rectify the neglect.

Closing remarks

After much debate on points of detail, Gordon Ingram concluded an informative thread in this debate by taking issue with my suggestion that “when we fight back against injustice it’s because we believe that its victims share our suffering. The victims are, in an important sense, one with us.” Ingram retorted: “This, I think, is quite wrong: I predict that it is not necessary to feel fused with someone in order to feel a duty of care towards them… it comes down to the need for more empirical research: these are two testable predictions and I hope that someone will test them soon. Until then, Harvey is not really justified in making this sort of claim.” Ingram’s call for more data is well taken. And I should have been careful to emphasize repeatedly that my fusion-based explanation for altruism (including parochial altruism) is no more than a working hypothesis rather than an established fact. But by the same token Gordon is offering a counter-prediction rather than demonstrating the wrongness of mine. Although we do need more evidence, the idea that empathizing and moral reasoning are sufficient to motivate extreme sacrifice for the group warrants skepticism. By contrast, there is already quite compelling evidence that when compassion and morality are bolstered by a visceral belief that the group is me, self-sacrificial commitment markedly increases.

Published On: June 10, 2013

Harvey Whitehouse

Harvey Whitehouse

www.harveywhitehouse.com

Harvey Whitehouse is Chair of Social Anthropology, Director of the Institute of Cognitive and Evolutionary Anthropology, and a Professorial Fellow of Magdalen College at the University of Oxford. Harvey is one of the founders of the cognitive science of religion field. He is especially well known for his theory of “modes of religiosity” that has been the subject of extensive critical evaluation and testing by anthropologists, historians, archaeologists, cognitive scientists, and evolutionary theorists. The modes theory proposes that the frequency and emotionality of rituals determines the scale and structure of religious organizations: low-frequency, highly arousing rituals bind together small but very cohesive groups of participants; high-frequency, less emotionally intense rituals create large anonymous communities that are more diffusely integrated. In recent years, Harvey’s work has expanded beyond religion to examine the role of rituals of all kinds in binding groups together and motivating inter-group competition, including warfare. This research has become increasingly global in reach with ongoing data collection now established at field sites in Singapore, Japan, New Zealand, Australia, Vanuatu, Brazil, the U.S., Spain, Cameroon, the U.K., Turkey, and Libya. Harvey is also a founding editor, and the editor for ritual variables, of Seshat: Global History Databank.

 

197 Comments

  • Malcolm Dean says:

    Haven’t any of these thinkers considered network theory, Information theory, thermodynamics? These all provide more sophisticated natural dynamics than kludges like “glue.”

  • Karolina Prochownik says:

    Thank you for your inspiring reply, Harvey. It made me think, and here are some results:
    1. Quite an important question raised by your response, to be added to ours and others’ commentaries, is: Why is kin psychology the evolutionary mechanism supposed to be underlying identity fusion? What are the premises for such a claim? This is relevant because it seems to play an important role in your argument for the separateness of the social identity mechanism and the identity fusion mechanism.
    Lanman very carefully scrutinizes the literature, pointing out that early co-residence (Lieberman, Tooby et al. 2007; Lieberman and Lobel 2012) or shared residence and eating (Carsten 2004) are good predictors of constructing the kinship category, and also relevant factors influencing incest avoidance in the future life of an individual. Whitehouse argues that the proxy for genetic relatedness is ‘recognized shared experience’ (and particularly, shared traumatic experience), one that can be ‘artificially’ produced by participation in dysphoric rituals (for instance). However, there is a great gap between the specific kinds of shared experience playing the role of kinship indicators scrutinized by evolutionary psychologists and anthropologists, and the shared experience described by Whitehouse (in the target article, or in his work on the two modes of religiosity). There is also a gap in their functions. Therefore I am not persuaded that they have common evolutionary roots.
    If kin psychology is a set of mechanisms aimed at kin recognition, and in consequence fosters altruistic actions among related individuals, I do not see the evolutionary rationale for the existence of particular mechanisms of fusion within these individuals (and notice that, most plausibly, no fusion occurs among animals, though they seem to be doing quite well at kin altruism). In other words neither shared trauma nor fusion of identities is required for the genetically related individuals to cooperate. I thought that altruism among kin was explained sufficiently by Hamilton, and that a much bigger evolutionary puzzle is cooperation among non-related individuals. Kin psychology is not ‘rooted in the fusion of personal and social selves’, as Harvey claims, but rather in sharing common genes (and on the proximate level, the psychological mechanisms like kin recognition, inter-kin-attachment, and others). Therefore, I would try to look for evolutionary roots of identity fusion rather in processes of ‘ethnic psychology’, than in ‘kin psychology’, contrary to Harvey’s claims.
    To sum up this point, I do not perceive as convincing the claim that kinship psychology is the cause of identity fusion on an ultimate level. Therefore, I argue, the claim that the evolutionary rationale gives us an extra argument for the separateness of two mechanisms of social glue (social identity and identity fusion) is not sufficiently justified from the evolutionary point of view.
    Another possibility is that I simply do not understand Harvey’s claims, and so will be grateful for clarification.

    2. Another, more general question, is whether social glue is indeed a promising alternative to morality, as Harvey claims?
    Due to the fact, that it is still very vague, how exactly exploring identity fusion will enable us to ‘change the world for better’ – and Harvey does not address this issue in his response – it is still too early to claim that it might be a better way of changing the world, compared to making moral arguments.
    But perhaps, more fundamentally, we should ask whether this way of putting the things is at any point right:
    a) Are the solutions that Harvey thinks about morally acceptable? Or, are they practically possible, taking into account contemporary moral and legal standards? Using some social engineering technics to make human populations act more cohesively for the greater good (I am not sure, but it is possible that this is what Harvey proposes) raises questions about individual rights and freedoms, the limits of authority, and who is going to decide what the ‘greater good’ is. Harvey seems to say: If we can’t make people act together to solve important collective problems, let’s make them feel like they are doing things for themselves (by social manipulation of their sense of identity). Perhaps in answering Whitehouse’s doubts about the efficiency of the moral argument with ‘There is no other way,’ Peter Singer meant that there is no other morally acceptable way?
    b) The other point is that so-called ‘major collective action problems’ (civil war, poverty) are also important moral issues in the contemporary world. Therefore it is not arbitrary that in the first place, moral solutions are proposed by philosophers. Anyway, I do not see the point in arguing that identity fusion is better than morality in motivating people to solve major social problems, as the two might be quite complementary; and, repeating once again the first claim, certain widely shared and accepted moral standards delimit the extent to which a solution based on fusion may be brought into play.
    Taking this all together, it might turn out that Whitehouse cannot indeed go further than Singer: he may try to persuade people to ‘fuse’ with the notion of ‘humanity’, just as the Australian moral philosopher tries to persuade people to support others financially. Another question is whether fusion with the ‘humanity’ concept is that much different from the ‘expanding moral circle’ proposed by Singer – although it is quite evident that Harvey’s methods of gaining the desirable state of affairs are more primordial (based on expanded ‘kin psychology’ and shared experience, and leaving the domain of reason rather untouched). Whether that will be more efficient than appeals to the moral sentiments and reasoning of individuals (the method preferred by Singer) only time and well-collected data will tell us.

    • tmtyler says:

      Karolina, Bill Hamilton originally proposed that kin psychology was based on shared DNA genes. However in George Price’s reformulation of his ideas, it became clear that this was part of a bigger idea – which is based on statistical associations between traits. Such associations are caused by shared DNA – but they are also caused by shared environments – and by shared culture. Catholics cooperate due to their shared memes – not due to their shared genes.

      This discovery required either an expansion of the conception of “gene” – or a reformulation of kin selection to account for other types of ‘kinship’ – such as cultural kinship, which is based on shared memes – rather than shared DNA.

  • Michael Buhrmester says:

    Hi Karolina – thanks for your thoughtful comments. A couple replies:
    1. In response to your initial question — the fuller answer (although still just a sketch) can be found in the 2012 PR piece on fusion. I’ll hit a couple highlights & add a bit here. As you know, original formulations of social identity & self-categorization perspectives focused on how group members function as vessels of prototypic group qualities that align themselves with the abstract group category. Relationships between group members play second fiddle. Take the minimal groups paradigm for instance. It highlights how group members can develop ingroup/outgroup bias without even knowing another group member.
    In contrast, we think that a very central part of fusion is the development of close, relational ties with other group members, and that these feelings often get wrapped up in the language of kinship. I’m not well versed in the anthro literature, but I think there’s fairly broad support for links between kinship psychology & extreme pro-group acts (e.g., Scott Atran’s work). And we know from many studies now that there are links between fusion & extreme pro-group acts…
    So the big missing piece, as you point out, is the link between fusion & kin psychology. And we’re working on it! In several projects-in-progress, we’re finding that fusion is strongly linked to measures of feeling that other group members are like “family”, and that these feelings mediate links between fusion & pro-group outcomes. Links between measures of group identification, our “familial ties” measure, and pro-group outcomes were much weaker in these studies. Now of course these projects don’t speak directly to the deeper claims of evolved mechanism, but we think they’re a necessary first step in the process.

    2. On your second question about moral judgment vs action. My take is that moral judgments are often a necessary but insufficient condition for moral action. Advocates like Singer would likely be able to convince most people that extreme poverty is an incredibly, if not the most, morally outrageous injustice facing humankind. But I imagine that for some people in his audiences, no amount of moral argument would spur them to make personal sacrifices. In fact, I’m working on a project now that’s broadly consistent with this perspective. In certain moral dilemmas I’m developing, people uniformly recognize the “right” thing to do is to make a personal sacrifice for other group members, yet many don’t endorse actually doing it. Weakly fused members tend to recognize the right course of action but go on to choose the self-promoting immoral action. Strongly fused members tend to recognize the right course & also endorse taking the right course despite the personal sacrifice involved. This is all tentative of course as we continue work on these projects, but the results so far are consistent with the idea that the link between moral belief & moral action is not always strong & fusion may have something to do with it. Anyways, thanks again — it’s great to get thoughtful questions and comments on this fast-moving work! Cheers, Michael

    • Karolina Prochownik says:

      Dear Michael, thanks a lot for your kind reply! In these circumstances, I am waiting for the development of these fascinating ideas (in the experimental studies that you write about). In fact I find the forthcoming results of your studies of great personal interest.
      Dear Tmtyler, thanks for your clarifying response as well!
      Cheers, Karolina

  • FWIW, belatedly, I’d like to add as a remark about social glue something I just noticed that I wrote some years ago about the tribal/T form as it figures in my TIMN efforts:

    “My third point is about balance: It has been easy to find examples of the tribal form persisting in activities ruled by the other TIMN forms. But it is not easy to specify how much is good, or bad. Too much tribalism can restrict and distort the other forms. But too little may hinder the other forms’ taking root and functioning as well as they could. An appropriate metaphor is glue. The tribal form resembles a kind of social glue that holds a society together. If that glue is too strong and spread too wide, it can keep the later forms from developing their own cores and dynamics. But if it is too weak and spotty, a society may become so atomized and lacking in social trust that it cannot progress further. Presumably, there is a middle ground where balance is important— where the forms interact, but none dominates. Presumably, too, each society must find its own way on these matters. Indeed, one way such matters get addressed is through epochal debates. Thus, for example, the Enlightenment initiated great discussions about whether and how commercial behaviors were subverting old family and community ways, a discussion that at times rears anew even now. This theme will be explored further in a future installment.” (MR-433, RAND, 2006, pp. 67-68)

    I haven’t managed to do that follow-up writing, but I’d like to suppose the remark is apropos here. Onward.

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